Libros: Labour-Intensive Industrialization in Global History

Gareth Austin y Kaoru Sugihara editaron /Labour-Intensive  Industrialization in Global History/.  London: Routledge, 2013. xiv + 314  pp. $140 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-0-415-45552-7.
 
Esta obra fue reseñada para EH.Net por Jeff Horn, profesor of Historia en Manhattan College, quien pronto completará /Economic Development in Early-Modern France: The Privilege of  Liberty, 1650-1800/, que editará Cambridge University Press.  (
jeff.horn@manhattan.edu). En esta reseña se lee “This timely and important book gathers together a number of challenges to  Anglo- and Euro-centric explanations of the process of industrialization in  various states and regions around the globe.  This volume, which appears in  the Routledge Explorations in Economic History series, developed out of  interactions at conferences, large and small between 2001 and 2012.   Collectively, these authors seek to test historically and then extend  conceptually Kaoru Sugihara’s influential argument that the East Asian path  featuring labor-intensive, resource-saving industrialization is diffusing  globally and that this model offers a more realistic means of improving  living standards without destroying the environment in areas that have not  yet industrialized (p. i).

The co-editors, Gareth Austin, Senior Lecturer in Economic History at the  London School of Economics and Sugihara, Professor of Economic History at  Kyoto University, have assembled a superb team of scholars: Jan de Vries,  Michel Hau, Colin M. Lewis, Kenneth Pomeranz, Tirthankar Roy, Osamu Saito,  Nicolas Stoskopf, Masayuki Tanimoto, and Pierre van der Eng.  Inevitably,  the various authors have done so with more or less success, but the overall  product is valuable, both in gathering these studies in one place and in  challenging a number of existing orthodoxies about the actual and theoretical  roles of labor, capital and factor endowments in industrialization. The  editors contend that: 1) the diffusion of the East Asian model has reduced  regional inequalities between East and West caused by industrialization ad  colonialism; 2) the diffusion of labor-intensive industrialization has  generated the majority of today’s global employment in manufacturing; and  3) the Western path to development has not been and is not, at present, the  sole route to industrialization, though they do acknowledge that the Western  model strongly impacted the other paths (p. 6). 




The introduction competently sets forth the essential issues.  The next  chapter is Sugihara’s latest refinement of his interpretation of East Asian  industrial experiences.  His emphasis on improving the quality of labor as  the “vital element” in achieving global transformation is particularly  welcome (p. 21).  In Chapter 3, de Vries provides a well-argued and balanced  examination of “The Industrious Revolutions in East and West” that  focuses on the role of markets as the chief difference between the behavior  of households in these two regions (p. 80). With an emphasis on the role of  skill intensity, Saito posits in Chapter 4 that proto-industrialization  should be understood as one form of labor-intensive industrialization capable  of generating Smithian growth (p. 85). These four “framing” chapters are  provocative statements of arguments that have been made elsewhere, but here  they are explicitly in dialogue, which sharpens the analysis considerably.

Based on diverse Asian examples, the editors argue that “labour-intensive  industrialization is transferable to labour-surplus economies through trade,  investment and industrial and education policies” (p. 5).  This theme is  explored fruitfully in chapters by Roy, Pomeranz, Tanimoto, and van der Eng  constituting the middle third of the volume.  The authors emphasize in India  (Roy), China (Pomeranz), Japan (Tanimoto) and Indonesia (van der Eng) the  existence, persistence and competitiveness of small-scale, labor-intensive  industry both before and during industrialization.  They all find that the  industrial success of this model is based on relatively cheap and relatively  abundant labor of relatively high quality.  The argument works best for  India, China and Japan.  In the case of Indonesia, van der Eng explores, in  somewhat roundabout fashion, why export-driven, labor-intensive  industrialization was impossible before oil prices fell in the 1980s,  necessitating the development of new opportunities (p. 195).

Outside southern and eastern Asia, the East Asian model runs into  difficulties, as Austin himself acknowledges (pp. 291-92).  In Chapter 9,  Austin analyzes the role of labor intensity in first retarding, then  supporting manufacturing in West Africa before concluding overly  optimistically that conditions may be shifting in West Africa’s favor (pp.  223-25).  He highlights the role of markets by demonstrating that cheap  labor alone is not enough to support labor-intensive manufacturing (p.  218).  Lewis demonstrates that Latin America was chronically short of both  capital and labor, which explains why there was no transition from  labor-intensive colonial-era to capital-intensive modern industry (p. 244).   He explains that historical complaints about labor quality or labor scarcity  actually reflect a lack of work, rather than any objective workforce  deficiency (pp. 244-46).  Lewis’s history is far more convincing than his  analysis of contemporary success in Latin America which seems to come out of  nowhere in his account.  The volume then returns to Europe for Hau and  Stoskopf’s discussion of nineteenth-century Alsace centered on demographic  factors.  Although this piece contains much interesting data, it is too  short. 
Unfortunately, Hau and Stoskopf do not link their piece to the  broader arguments, either theoretically and historiographically, that they  evoke.  The book concludes with Austin’s extended historiographical  examination of the interplay of labor-intensive industrialization and global  economic development.  He explicitly seeks to expand Sugihara’s two paths  theory by expounding a third model based on environmental constraints on the  use of land and labor in West Africa (p. 292).  To limit the Western-bias of  Alexander Gerschenkron’s examination of “late developing” countries,  Austin convincingly emphasize the importance of factor ratios (p. 297).

This volume presents an exciting set of economic explanations of global  industrial development that fit the historical evidence far better than  standard Anglo- or Euro-centric accounts.  A few shortcomings, however,  require comment.  For a book that criticizes explanations that assign a  relatively passive role to labor (p. i), it is startling that every single  one of these authors deals solely with labor as an abstract collective.   Readers never meet a worker, even briefly, to illustrate a point.  In short,  this volume presents a faceless version of labor without individual laborers  which undermines some of the effectiveness of the focus on work and weakens  the argument. 
The related issues of global context and change over time are  also muddied by the order of presentation.  To go from a twentieth-century  chapter like van der Eng’s to Austin and Lewis, who both examine far longer  periods, before returning to nineteenth-century Alsace is disconcerting and  is not dealt with sufficiently in the introduction.  It should be noted,  however, that these critiques do not undermine the basic worth of either the  project itself or its conclusions.  This volume profoundly challenges  existing orthodoxies and should provoke groundbreaking further research.  At  the very least, these linked accounts are too firmly grounded in historical  experience to be ignored and must be taken into account in any explanation of  global industrial development in the past, present or future.  Despite its  hefty price, this book merits purchase by every academic library.
 
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